Petisie vir Afrikaanse skole in Gauteng

L.W. As u op ‘n selfoon is en met die onderstaande vormpie sukkel, stuur eenvoudig ‘n e-pos met u naam, van en e-posadres aan: petisie@praag.org.

Dankie aan almal wat tot dusver geteken het. Maar kom ons laat die lys aangroei! Ek sal dit persoonlik aan Barbara Creecy, LUR vir onderwys in Gauteng, gaan oorhandig en in geen onduidelike terme nie vir haar onder die indruk bring dat ons nou moeg is hiervoor.

- DR

Teken asseblief ons petisie vir die behoud van Afrikaanse skole in Gauteng. Maak gebruik van u persoonlike adreslyste, asook Facebook en Twitter, en versprei die skakel na die petisie so wyd moontlik. Die skakel is http://roodt.org/?p=463.

Afrikaanse skole op Fochville deur ANC geteiken

Petisie vir Afrikaanse skole in Gauteng

Geagte me. Barbara Creecy, LUR vir onderwys in Gauteng

Ek as Afrikaner teken ten sterkste beswaar aan teen die druk wat die Gautengse onderwysdepartement op Afrikaanse skole toepas om te verengels. Tans word skole op Fochville geteiken, met die implikasie dat geen Afrikaanse skool in die provinsie meer sy eie taalbeleid mag vasstel nie. Nie net is dit strydig met die skolewet nie, maar dit druis ook in teen die volkereg en internasionale norme betreffende taalregte en menseregte.

Internasionale Engels is 'n hoëstatustaal wat gebruik word om inheemse Afrikaans te verdring en te vernietig. Dat u boonop die demografie en rasse-argumente in u veldtog teen Afrikaans gebruik, is besonder laakbaar.

Afrikaanse skole in hierdie provinsie is oor meer as 'n eeu opgebou en deur ons belastings en privaat skenkings befonds. U as Engelstalige het geen reg om ons daarvan te ontneem nie.

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Have racists and fascists taken over the internet?

Yesterday a lot of American websites were blacked out in protest against the new legislation in that country aiming to give more control over the internet to major corporate copyright holders. In fact, not since Gutenberg invented the printing press, has there ever been such a revolution in publishing and freedom of speech as over the past fifteen years or so.

However, like the Catholic church tried to contain the Reformation in Europe, many powerful institutions are looking at the proliferation of internet speech with a jaundiced eye. Certainly, copyright does seem to be under threat. Never again will some rock group like the Beatles or Pink Floyd earn enough money from album sales to afford a private airliner to fly from one gig to the next. When my youngest son was about three, he could already say “download”.

The question is: do mediocre pop artists and Hollywood actors deserve to be so stinkingly rich? While much more talented and accomplished classical musicians starve and the theatre falls by the wayside.

When it comes to politics, many people and interest groups perceive the internet to be something of a threat to society. One of the most hilarious statements I have ever heard was made by Max du Preez at the Boekehuis in Melville, Johannesburg. With an irritated snort, Max said to fellow journalist Tim du Plessis, at the time editor of Beeld: “Don’t talk to me about the internet. It has been taken over by racists and fascists.”

Until very recently, certain taboo topics could not be discussed in print. You all know what they are, so I will not dwell on them. Suffice it to say that race, immigration, differences between men and women, and whether the Bible prohibits homosexuality are some of them. Nobel prize winners in science or the Harvard president have lost their jobs for making a casual remark about these subjects. A body of writing like Stalking the Wild Taboo could only exist on the internet.

Sometime during the twentieth century, during and just after the nineteen-sixties, a profound change took place. Not that the world had suddenly changed. But that decade of protest and decadence had ushered in a revolution in two very influential institutions: the universities and the media.

Journalists, with the exception of court reporters chronicling murder cases, are usually trained at university.  Because university professors are usually left-wing radicals, journalists, by and large, tend to be left-wing radicals. In the USA, eighty-six percent of tenured academics vote for the Democratic Party. The fourteen percent who vote Republican are probably confined to disciplines like mathematics and engineering where graduates are unlikely to end up in the journalistic profession.

So the traditional media are no mirror for society. Print and television show us the world as it ought to be, not as it really is. With the liberation of the common man, online man, the journalists and professors have become utterly horrified. Reading Facebook or Twitter or millions of WordPress blogs, the media elite encounter heterosexual, middle-class people, many of whom are white, who are revelling in the opportunity to say what they think.

The internet has brought a real demoratisation of opinion, regardless of spelling and grammar. You could call that a quotable quote, except that Max du Preez and the rest of the media insiders will never quote me. Nor will the professors quote me, because to them I represent part of that new threat, the uprising of the internet scribes and rebels.

As we know, the Left has never really liked democracy. When the working class of Europe and North America refused to rise up against capitalism, they called it “false consciousness”. When black people in this country at first refused to rebel against the former government, they were called “sell-outs” and beaten and necklaced into submission.

A democratic debate on the internet around taboo issues also represents anathema to those who still lament the fall of the Berlin wall. The masses are fine as long as they can be cajoled, intimidated or brainwashed into the point of view of the leftist elite. But if they stray too far from accepted norms it must be denounced as populism. Or worse still: racism and fascism.

There is a worldwide persecution of people who are more or less normal, like you and me. I know a Swedish girl who was expelled from school for saying she loved her country. Of course, her teachers were just your average Swedish teachers, socialists and supporting everything from gay marriage to the right of African dictators to spend yet another trillion dollars’ worth of aid without having anything to show for it. Being in love with a beautiful Nordic country like Sweden with its silver birch trees, its lakes and snow, its fine old cities and blue-eyed citizens, was enough to betray her nationalism. And as we have been taught, nationalism and fascism are just two sides of the same coin.

The average middle-class, heterosexual man or woman has children, a house, a car and responsibilities. He or she is already besieged by the threat of instability: break-up with the spouse, the drug dealer on the school corner, homework, getting to school and work on time, the next exam, meeting payments to the bank, keeping one’s job, office politics, staying healthy and solvent. Just coping with modern life is in itself stressful enough without the added complications, so dear to the Left and their spokesmen – forgive me the sexist blunder! – spokespeople in the mainstream media.

So to Koos or Marietjie van der Merwe out there, the esoteric neo-Marxist pursuits of the PC brigade seem at once outlandish and downright dangerous. Being tolerant of gays is one thing but teaching children to become gay, as happens in some European countries, is another. Especially if you have children yourself. My personal bête noire is people mixing up English and Afrikaans, as on Sewendelaan.  It must eventually lead to barbarism, even cannibalism.

If South Africa’s white middle class had to vote again in an honest referendum asking the real question: “Do you want to turn South Africa and the SADF’s weapons over to the ANC so that they may spend your taxes on Mercs and holidays, make anti-white laws and pamper the criminals?” more than ninety percent would vote “no”. But in the early nineties the local media had simply followed the lead of their overseas counterparts in predicting a brilliant outcome if the purveyors of communist theories and the necklace would be given carte blanche to “transform” South Africa. The Left had a dream in Europe and they called it “scientific socialism”. It killed a hundred million people and then finally it was labelled the gulag.

In South Africa the Left brought us “democracy”, which means that a small group of people may appropriate all the wealth and make laws to prevent your child from being admitted to university, at least in the medical faculty – and some other faculties too.  If you complain about that, Max and company will smear you as a racist and a fascist.

But Max doesn’t know an IP from a config file. Or a template from a plug-in. Neither do those media execs who are trying to put a lid on it in the name of copyright protection. The European socialists, no matter how they deride their opponents as populists and extremists, have already lost the war, thanks to intrepid anti-Islamic websites in no small measure.

When my sixteen-year old daughter saw the black screens yesterday, she exclaimed: “This is the internet! This is power! This is us! Don’t you just feel it?”

Somewhere, someone must be trembling…

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Crime and its reality in Africa

South Africa is the most interesting country in the world to live in. For almost eight years I lived in Paris and I could stroll to the Louvre, the Picasso Museum, buy cheap tickets at the Bastille Opera for what was then about R50, browse dozens of interesting little bookshops with names like “Letter tree”, “Foam of the pages”, “Doodles”, and so on. Unlike Anglo-American bookshops that contain mostly a mixture of bestselling trash and classics, the French love their quirky essays and novels by eccentric authors teeming with wayward knowledge and ideas.

I also attended lectures or ran into world-famous artists, philosophers and writers. I personally met or knew Jacques Derrida, Gilles Deleuze, Jean-François Lyotard, Alain Badiou, Julian Schnabel and attended a packed lecture by the blind, octogenarian author Jorge Luis Borges. Netx to the Pompidou Centre with its collection of Dada and Surrealist art, the building being itself a work of art, was a literally underground institution called the IRCAM where you could catch Pierre Boulez conducting amazing, experimental pieces of avant-garde music.

Paris has so much culture you could spend a lifetime just scratching the surface. Johannesburg, on the other hand, has one art museum which is now in a slum area, Joubert Park. For a city this size, it is something of a wasteland. Parts of it look like a wasteland too. And, of course, it is notoriously crime-ridden.

Which brings me to the real subject of this piece: crime in Africa. I strongly suspect that the crime industry in Johannesburg might be bigger than the banking industry, represented by the big four banks, three of which are still headquartered in downtown Johannesburg, but then their employees hardly ever venture outside on the streets.

Recent crime statistics have placed Cape Town ahead of Johannesburg as the most dangerous city in the country, which shows you that the notorious Cape gang members are stealing the limelight from their Johannesburg counterparts. Johannesburg is very proud of its gangster or tsotsi tradition, which goes back to the days of Sophiatown when the “Americans”, the “Russians”, the “Gestapo”, the “Berliners” and the “Vultures” ruled the roost. Nadine Gordimer and many British authors have romanticized those glorious pre-apartheid times. The so-called “Sophiatown Renaissance” was the precursor to Mbeki’s African renaissance.

Also, I happened to read a very amusing “call for papers” on the website of the Southern African Historical Society recently. Sometime in March there is going to be a conference at the famous Yale University in the USA, on the subject of – you guessed it – crime in Africa.  Except that the international academics gathering at Yale have chosen a more politically correct title for their conference: Crime and its fictions in Africa.

According to the invitation from Yale:

“The story of Africa in the world is in some ways a history of crime: from the Atlantic slave trade to the Nigerian ’419′ email scam, violence and illegality have often been the means by which the continent is inscribed in the Western imagination. On a more local level, crime has also served as the medium through which Africa and its peoples have negotiated engagement with globalization. Besides the obvious movement of illicit goods onto the global market, this is evident in the intricate international networks for smuggling people across the Sahara; in the prostitution rings that link parts of Africa to parts of Europe; and in the poaching syndicates driven by Asian demand for exotica such as rhino horn. The problematic role of law and/or its absence has long been the focal point of historical and social scientific work on Africa, though not without controversy over the line between voyeurism and observation.

Increasingly, fiction writers and literary scholars have also got in on the act. In South Africa, authors such as Deon Meyer and Margie Orford have topped the best-seller lists with their crime fiction, and the genre has gathered steam across the continent. What explains this development? What, if any, is the connection between the boom in writing about crime, and the problem of crime as it is experienced day to day? Finally, how can we both acknowledge crime’s dominant place in African narratives (and narratives about Africa), and question the limitations of this negative paradigm?”

I might have been tempted to go to Yale myself and deliver a paper there, except I have just missed the deadline and it would be an expensive way of causing controversy among a bunch of “tenured radicals” as American academics have been called, by arguing that crime in Africa, particularly South Africa, is no fiction.

All of us have been exposed to crime in some way or another. We know people who have fallen victim to the often sadistic acts perpetrated by the millions of criminals who roam our streets and farms. As someone tweeted the other day: “See South Africa: Home of the Big 5 ! Murder, Rape, Robbery, Hijacking, Theft.”

In the past week I have had two mundane run-ins with shop assistants that convinced me that even in brand-name emporiums in shopping centres you run the risk of being defrauded by the people behind the counter. In the one instance I was short-changed by sixty-nine rand. It was a fairly complicated matter as I had bought some shirts on sale and part payment was ensured by some points on my loyalty card. Afterwards in the car I kept on staring at the till slip as the amount did not make sense to me. Then I realised that the shop assistant had pocketed my loyalty points in cash, sixty-nine rand to be exact. My wife thought the shirts were a bargain anyway and it was too much trouble going back, but above all I felt insulted. My mental arithmetic has always been good and I felt that no dishonest shop assistant should get the better of me. The worst of it was: it was all done in such a casual way, “trying her luck” as it were. In the Old South Africa someone like that would have been fired on the spot. But with trade unions, labour laws and the legendary African tolerance towards things dishonest and criminal, she knew she would get away with it. And if caught, it would simply be shrugged off as a “mistake”.

The second incident involved a small payment of R39,99 but it almost turned into a loss ten times that amount. There seems to be a new trick. After putting your payment through your debit or credit card, the assistant would suddenly unplug the machine, muttering: “Oh, there’s a problem with this machine. Let me put it through again!” In your naïveté – all white people in Africa are naïve, I have come to think – you would tender your card again and this time around, a debit of ten times the amount would be put through your card: R399,90, to be exact. In your hurry to get over this tedious hiccup, you would blindly sign the slip, except then you might notice that somehow a digit or two have been scratched out in pencil.  Having had former experiences of this nature, you would then start getting suspicious. The old Eurocentric logic and powers of deduction would start kicking in. A quick glance at your bank account on your cellphone would divulge that indeed the first payment had gone through. And you were now R400 the poorer on the second little swipe through the “faulty” machine.

But of course, all of this would be put down to the infernal machines, another “mistake”. Calls to the bank. Denials that the first payment had gone through. Yet you have the evidence in your pocket and can even cite the transaction code. Eventually the second payment would be reversed. No apology. No guilty look. This is just routine. Another customer, another “mistake”. How many customers are so gullible that they fall for this? I ask myself. How many tourists coming to South Africa to enjoy our beaches, vineyards and wildlife get fleeced or even killed when they venture into rough areas?

The Caribbean-born Indian novelist V.S. Naipaul got the Nobel prize for literature. He was also derided as a racist for his perceptive novel about the Congo, “A bend in the river”. Somewhere in it a character remarks: “The problem is not that there’s no longer a difference between right and wrong. The problem is there’s no right.”

While we worry about the “Big Five” of Murder, Rape, Robbery, Hijacking and Theft, there are other features of “zoo city” – that is also the title of a crime novel I believe – that escape us but are no less pervasive and insiduous. Everyone – from the tenderpreneurs of the ANC with their flashy cars and Hollywood lifestyles to the devious shop assistants – is on the take, sucking us dry.

But it remains interesting. If you are a thriller writer you have more material in Johannesburg and most other SA cities to write 720 novels, as many as Barbara Cartland did. If you are a social theorist, a columnist, a pop philosopher, you could also dip into the criminal cesspool and produce a conversation piece every day of the week.

As long as you stay in a secure complex – 60% of all violent attacks occur at the victim’s residence – and minimise your risk, you could survive to tell the tale.

American Allen Drury described South Africa in the 1960′s as “a very strange society”. Yet this republic in 2012 is far stranger still, a zoo to gawk at, study and discuss.

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The Cuban occupation of South Africa

The announcement last week that Cuban military personnel would be sent to South Africa to train the ANC’s army has caused grave concern among the Afrikaner minority in South Africa. Not only have Afrikaners been placed in category six by the international Genocide Watch group, but many of them previously fought against Cuban military adventurism in Africa, killing and wounding a substantial number of Cubans. They are at risk of Cuban revenge and victimisation.

Amid increasing ethnic tension within South Africa, exemplified by suspended ANC Youth leader Julius Malema’s incitement to genocide against Afrikaners and Boers, as well as ongoing controversies relating to race and language in South Africa, the Cuban military presence could only exacerbate such tension.

The former SADF entered Angola to fight Cuba on behalf of the USA and what was then known as the “free world”. The disastrously inept Afrikaner leadership is largely at fault for allowing a complete takeover of South Africa by radical and communist elements, leading to the planned Cuban occupation of South Africa. However, Western support for the ANC in the 1980′s, including the financial backing of Sweden and Britain’s Anglican Church, also ensured the radical, leftwing revolution that has swept over South Africa since the early 1990′s.

The only reason why the current ethnic atrocities such as so-called farm murders being committed against the Afrikaner minority have not deteriorated into fullscale genocide, is because of state incompetence and incapacity. The infusion of Cuban military personnel into the current SADF, which is nothing but an ANC militia like Umkhonto we Sizwe, could provide the ANC with the means and capacity to wage an intrastate war against the Afrikaner minority whom it hates so much.

Afrikaners have a right to be protected from the ANC and Cuba by the United States, their former Cold-War ally. Conservatives in the USA should note that the Cuban army will henceforth be stationed within the borders of a former friend of America.

This comment was first published on praag.co.uk.

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Van ‘fundamentalisme’ gepraat…

Liza Albrecht, die voormalige redaktrise van Rapport, sê op Facebook:

“‘n Fenomeen wat my nog altyd fassineer: Die oneindige gewroeg van dié wat eens erg gelowig was en langs die pad hul geloof verloor het. Dis lei gereeld tot ‘n soms onhoudbare pontifikasie – meestal in die brieweblaaie van Afrikaanse koerante, en helaas ook hier op facebook. Onderliggend daaraan, voel ek soms, is die obsessiewe behoefte wedersyds om bloot te verkondig: Ek is reg en jy verkeerd. Nou ja, dis seker maar hoe diskoers werk. Maar wat geloof betref, verveel dit my oneindig. Is jy ‘n fundamentalis? Gaaf, hou dit vir jouself. ‘n Ateïs? Ditto.”

Wat is egter die definisie van ‘n “fundamentalis”? Is dit iemand wat gelowig is? Die Amerikaanse media het as deel van hul oorloë in die Midde-Ooste die term gewild gemaak deur na “Islamitese fundamentaliste” te verwys. Dít terwyl die VSA óók ‘n gelowige land is waar ‘n aansienlike persentasie van die bevolking Darwin verwerp.

Tot my stomme verbasing het ‘n rubriekskryfster in Die Burger my onlangs, moontlik in navolging van die Amerikaanse mode om jou vyand of opponent só uit te kryt, ‘n “fundamentalis” genoem. Ek vermy godsdiens as onderwerp; nietemin word ek saam met die Taliban geklassifiseer. A la Nietzsche of Markus de Jong, die eertydse Johannesburgse boekhandelaar, moet ons egter pasop vir die “Calviniste sonder God”, die sekulêres wat veel meer moralisties en “fundamentalisties” as gelowiges kan raak…

Dikwels egter is godsdiens “politiek met ander middele”. Vra maar vir oudbiskop Tutu of die radikale Anglikaanse priester, oorle Trevor Huddleston!

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Die Burger se rassistiese Rottweilers

So pas het die Persombudsman bevind dat sowel Die Burger as Beeld die perskode oortree het in beriggewing deur Elmari Rautenbach oor my sogenaamde “toe-eiening” van die Afrikaanse skrywersorganisasie Pretoria-PEN. In die onlangse tyd hou Die Burger vol dat hy en sy rubriekskrywers oor die volste reg – kwansuis “in die openbare belang” – beskik om my verdag te maak, te belaster en aanhoudend as “rassis”, “verregse” en “fundamentalis” te etiketteer.

Elmari Rautenbach is die nasionale boekeredakteur van Media24. Omdat Media24, ‘n afdeling van Naspers, alle koerante en bykans alle tydskrifte in Afrikaans besit, bepaal Elmari Rautenbach watter boeke geresenseer sal word, asook wie hulle sal resenseer en dus in ‘n hoë mate die verkope en status van alle boeke en skrywers in Afrikaans. Aan die begin van verlede jaar was daar ‘n vergadering van bekende Afrikaanse skrywers op Stellenbosch wat juis belê is om hierdie kwessie te bespreek.

In sy uitspraak beveel die Persombudsman Die Burger en Beeld om verskoning aan my te bied en ek haal aan uit dr. Johan Retief, die adjunkpersombudsman, se bevinding:

Die koerant(e) word versoek om Roodt om verskoning te vra omdat:

  • hy nie ‘n billike kans gegee is om betyds te reageer nie (Beeld);
  • hulle berig het dat hy hom Pretoria-PEN sou “toe-eien” (Beeld en Die Burger);
  • hulle berig het dat Pretoria-PEN teen die vorige maand nog geen bestuursvergadering gehou en geen grondwet aanvaar het nie (Beeld en Die Burger); en
  • dit berig het dat Roodt “sy eie” (jaar-) vergadering gehou het (Beeld).

Dié verskoning moet insluit dat hierdie verslaggewing moontlik onnodige skade aan Roodt se openbare beeld berokken het – met ‘n verwysing na die betrokke sin in die Aanhef tot die Perskode.

Beeld word vermaan omdat dié publikasie versuim het om te noem dat kommentaar van Roodt nie betyds verkry kon word nie.

Moontlik mag Beeld en Die Burger besluit om teen dié bevinding te appelleer, maar in die Dawid-teen-Goliatstryd waarin ek my teen Die Burger en die magtige Naspersgroep bevind, kan ‘n mens sê dat ek ten minste hier ‘n paar punte aangeteken het.

Die saak strek egter veel verder. Ek vermoed dat daar ‘n bepaalde frustrasie by Die Burger en sommige Naspersredaksies bestaan omdat hulle sienings nie meer deur die breë publiek en hul lesers as geloofwaardig geag word nie. Daarom speel hulle die sogenaamde “rassekaart” deur kritici van die huidige bestel en veral dissidente Afrikaanse skrywers as “rassiste” en “verregses” te beswadder. Toe Annelie Botes, skryfster van Raaiselkind en ander boeke, ook haar bedenkinge uitgespreek het oor die erge graad van geweld wat deur Suid-Afrikaanse swartes gepleeg word, is sy insgelyks met die teerkwas bygekom. ‘n Georkestreerde veldtog teen haar is ontketen, met die hulp van akademici aan die universiteit van Stellenbosch.  Veral Die Burger handhaaf noue bande met Stellenbosch se meer linkse en polities korrekte akademici en te eniger tyd word hulle soos ‘n trop Rottweilers opgeroep om meningsartikels te skryf waarin die slagoffer dan finaal in stukkies opgekerf en sy oorblyfsels as’t ware vir die honde gegooi word.

Die laaste woord oor “rassisme” in hierdie land is natuurlik nog nie gespreek nie. Vanoggend op Facebook het ek effens hardop daaroor gedink en die volgende kwytgeraak:

Ons is almal bekend met die reël uit Hamlet: The lady doth protest too much, methinks. Waarom gil Ilse Bigalke, Leopold Scholtz en die res so hard oor rassisme? Omdat hulle self die grootste rassiste is, wat heimlik swartes vrees en selfs haat.

Onlangs het my vrou vir my ‘n stuk oor ‘n Sloweense filosoof gestuur waarin hy met behulp van Lacan en Freud na rassisme kyk. Ek dink sy gevolgtrekking is dat almal rassiste is. Sommige mense is net groter rassiste as ander. Die Kaapse gillers oor rassisme is veel groter rassiste as enigeen van die KP of HNP.

Eintlik is die KP- of HNP-mense baie verdraagsaam teenoor swartes. Die vorige leier van die HNP, Wilie Marais, het op ‘n keer aan my verduidelik hoe goed hy na sy swart werknemers omsien. Die Kaapse rassiste vrees swart geweld, maar blameer ander blankes en Afrikaners daarvoor. Jacques Lacan, wat ‘n volgeling van Freud was, het mos van “oordrag” gepraat. Die pasiënt verplaas sy gevoelens van een voorwerp/objek na ‘n ander.

Leopold Scholtz en Ilse Bigalke dra hul rassehaat jeens swartes op my en ander noordelike Afrikaners oor. Natuurlik voel hulle ook skuldig oor die rassisme wat hulle in hul binnekamers koester. Hoe skuldiger hulle voel, hoe harder beskuldig hulle ander van rassisme.

In Elmari Rautenbach se berig het sy onder meer vir Breyten Breytenbach betrek om ‘n negatiewe mening oor Pretoria-PEN uit te spreek. Waarom word Breytenbach egter nie ook as ‘n rassis deur Die Burger gehoon nie? In Desember 2008 in Harper’s Magazine het Breytenbach sy ontnugtering met die Nuwe Suid-Afrika en postkoloniale Afrika in die algemeen uitgespreek in die vorm van ‘n ope brief aan Mandela: Mandela’s smile – notes on South Africa’s failed revolution. Dis ‘n lang, ietwat wollerige brief, maar plek-plek sny hy ook tot op die been as dit by moeti-moorde, korrupsie, diefstal, wanbestuur en geweld kom. Suiwer rassisme, volgens Die Burger en sy spannetjie gesublimeerde rassiste wat besig is om ‘n nuwe vorm van sensuur, die sensuur van “die-rassis-vermom-as-teenrassis”, toe te pas.

In sy bevinding verwys die adjunkpersombudsman egter ook na “die kumulatiewe effek” (hy kursiveer dié sinsnede in sy bevinding hier onder) van Die Burger en Beeld se stories oor Pretoria-PEN:

  • Ek verwys telkens na die waarskynlikheid dat sommige stellings in die stories Roodt onnodige skade kon berokken het – dié verwysings is gebaseer op ‘n stelling in die Aanhef tot die Perskode wat sê dat joernaliste onnodige skade moet vermy;
  • Ek is bekommerd oor die kumulatiewe effek van dié onnodige skade wat die berigte Roodt waarskynlik berokken het; en
  • Die pers in die breë praat soms onwaarhede klakkeloos na, al is die feite ook agterna reggestel – ek hoop van harte dat dit nie in hierdie geval gaan gebeur nie.

Nou die dag, in ‘n berig oor die vertrapping buite die hekke van die voormalige RAU, die sogenaamde “Joedjy”, lees ek in die New York Times dat die swart studente mekaar vertrap het omdat hulle nie voorheen onder apartheid die geleentheid vir tersiêre studie gehad het nie. Fanie Olivier, die voormalige professor aan die universiteit van Venda, sal seker kan bevestig dat daardie instelling in 1994 tot stand gekom het, want hy is geen rassis nie en sal dit nie durf waag om teenoor die magtige New York Times as apartheidsapologeet op te tree nie, nie waar nie?

Die kumulatiewe effek van jare lange mites, leuens, halwe waarhede en doodgewone domheid wat in die propaganda-oorlog om die siel van Suid-Afrika uitgegiet is, sal ons seker nooit na waarde kan skat nie.  Maar ten minste het die adjunkpersombudsman raakgesien wat die kumulatiewe effek van Elmari Rautenbach se beriggewing oor my en Pretoria-PEN kan wees.

Op Facebook het Elmari Rautenbach ook teenoor Herman Lategan, Liza Albrecht, Jaco Jacobs, François Griebenow, Kerneels Breytenbach en ander, wat almal in die Media24-dampkring verkeer, te kenne gegee dat sy die nuus so plaas dat dit bedoel is om my in ‘n swak lig te stel. Die algemene gevoel onder Elmari Rautenbach se Facebook-gespreksgenote was blykbaar dat ek een of ander dorpsidioot is “wat verdien om doodgeswyg te word (siende dat sy ma versuim het om hom dood te lê toe hy klein was)”.  Laasgenoemde synde ‘n verbatim-aanhaling uit dié hoogs intellektuele debat in die binnekringe van die Media-vier-en-twintigers.

Voeg daarby die kumulatiewe effek van Die Burger se  aartsrassistiese rubriekskrywers oos Max du Preez, Leopold Scholtz en Ilse Bigalke wat met hul eie rassedemone en identiteitskrisisse worstel, dan kry ‘n mens soms die indruk dat jy terug verplaas is na die Middeleeue. En binnekort gaan al die ketters op die brandstapel geplaas word. Of dalk gaan ons Siberië toe gestuur word om soos Solsjenitsin die binnewerkinge van die ANC en Die Burger se goelag te beskryf.

Oorspronklik toe ek op die gedagte gekom het om Pretoria-PEN te stig, het ek eintlik gedink dat skrywers in die nabye toekoms gevaar loop om deur die ANC in die tronk gesmyt te word. Dit was as ‘n soort versekering vir die toekoms bedoel. Ten minste as iemand in Londen af en toe vir die minister van korrektiewe dienste ‘n brief skryf, mag dit ‘n positiewe uitwerking hê. Met ander skrywers in ander lande sou ons dalk kon veg om sulke dissidente weer te bevry. Die manier waarop Clive Derby-Lewis teen die reg en alle billikheid in tans steeds aangehou word, laat my dink dat my geloof in die mag van publisiteit oor ‘n gevangene taamlik misplaas is. Seker daarom dat daar, ondanks vertoë van PEN Internasionaal en ander menseregte-organisasies, steeds bykans 1000 skrywers wêreldwyd in tronke aangehou word.

Nooit in my wildste drome kon ek egter voorsien dat die grootste bedreiging vir spraakvryheid in ons land van die Freudiaans onderdrukte rassiste by Die Burger sou kom en nie van Julius Malema of Floyd Shivambu nie.

Die patetiese wyse waarop John Miles en Fanie Olivier hulle na Elmarie Rautenbach gewend het om ‘n “bietjie slegte publisiteit” vir my op te wek, hopende om so hul gepoogde staatsgreep op Pretoria-PEN te bestendig, is nou ook aan die kaak gestel vir wat dit is: net nog ‘n agteraf gekonkel wat misluk het.

As skrywers en denkers – die woord “intellektueel” het vir my al so bedenklik en besmet geraak dat ek dit liefs vermy – behoort ons egter te weet dat ‘n vinnige tref-en-trap-moddergooiery in ‘n koerantberig korstondige bevrediging verskaf, maar geen werklike beginselkwessie besleg nie. Al sing Die Burger se hele personeel met die redakteur as dirigent elke week in drie stemme en netjies afgerig dat ek ‘n verregse reaksionêr is, gaan dit nog geen duit verskil aan ons maatskaplike werklikheid en wanorde maak nie.

Op ‘n manier veg ons vandag baie harder as ooit om die waardes van die Europese Verligting staande te hou, want ons is besig om nogmaals te verval in die irrasionele en dít wat Kant “dogmatiese rede” genoem het. Ek sê altyd: as dit nie vir die Verligting was nie, sou jy nie nou ‘n selfoon in jou hand en rekenaarskerm voor jou gehad het nie, want dit was daardie soeke na die werklike struktuur van die wêreld – en nie die dogma nie – wat hierdie hele wetenskapfiksie-avontuur wat ons tans beleef, moontlik gemaak het.

Die Spaanse Inkwisisie het as “die honde van God” bekendgestaan. Van Wyk Louw het een van sy beste gedigte oor so ‘n “hond van God” geskryf. As ons egter ooit sou toelaat dat die “Rottweilers van ras”, wat by Die Burger en ander Nasperspublikasies aan hul kettings wurg, die oorhand kry, is  spraakvryheid in Afrikaans daarmee heen.

Soos ek nou die dag vir ‘n buitelandse korrespondent hier in Johannesburg gesê het, is die stryd om vryheid wat tans woed, veel feller en moeiliker as die sogenaamde “struggle” teen apartheid. Daar was twee of drie komitees wat die anti-apartheidsbeweging bestuur het, met Huddleston aan die spits en die Sweedse geld wat in ‘n dik stroom vanuit Stockholm gevloei het.

Ons veg om basiese dinge soos die reg op lewe, die reg op meningsuiting, die reg op gelykheid, moedertaalonderrig, ons menswaardigheid, ensovoorts – sonder geld en met sowel die staat as die grootste mediagroep in die land, Naspers, téén ons.

Uiteindelik is enige totalitêre bestel egter net so sterk soos die beheer wat hy oor mense se denke uitoefen. Deel van die rassistiese Rottweilers aan hul kettings se frustrasie is miskien juis dat hulle nié meer ons denke beheer nie, dat Breyten Breytenbach, Annelie Botes, Steve Hofmeyr of elkeen van dié wat al vanaf berg Olimpus by Heerengracht 40 met donder en bliksem getref is, steeds aanhou om dinge te sê net soos hulle is.

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Onthou die negrologie, Tim

In vandag se Rapport praat Tim du Plessis van ‘n meningspeiling in die Sowetan en beweer:  “[Swartes]begeer ’n land wat dubbelsyfer- ekonomiese groei aanteken. Hulle wil ’n korrupsievrye en doeltreffende staatsdiens sien. Hulle wil ’n land hê wat hoog aangeslaan word, internasionaal en plaaslik.”

Gee ‘n meningspeiling in die Sowetan regtig swart denke weer? Reeds meer as ‘n eeu lank bou die swart elite DWARSDEUR DIE WÊRELD hul identiteit en politiek op antiblanke ressentiment en daardie teorie van “ons is die slagoffers”. Terwyl die blankes hulle meesal nog altyd gepamperlang, opgehef, bekeer, opgevoed, medies behandel en finansieel bygestaan het.

Tim moet nie net Frantz Fanon lees nie. Hy is nie eens in Afrikaans vertaal nie. Maar enkele jare gelede het ons by PRAAG die liberale joernalis Stephen Smith se boek “Negrologie – waarom Afrika vergaan” in Afrikaans vertaal. Ongelukkig het die Nasperskoerante dit maar meesal geïgnoreer en het dit nie die nodige debat ontlok nie. Daarin stel hy dit duidelik dat daar ‘n groot probleem met die swart identiteit is. Dis die “negrologie”. Swart narcisme, swart bewussyn, noem dit wat jy wil. En daar is niks wat ons daaraan kan doen nie. Binnekort gaan daar twee miljard swartes op aarde wees, want hul geboortesyfer is die hoogste van alle rassegroepe. Terwyl daar slegs 500 miljoen blankes gaan oorbly.

As daar soveel goeie swart leiers en bestuurders is soos wat Tim sê, sal hulle in elk geval vir hulself sorg en Afrika met sy twee miljard mense in ‘n lushof omskep. Oor ons eie voortbestaan, sowel hier as in die res van die wêreld, hang daar egter groot vraagtekens. Ons kinders kan nie eens meer behoorlik lees of Afrikaans praat nie. Duisende Afrikaners krepeer in plakkerskampe of lewe van aalmoese as karwagte.

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Vir Die Burger is Dan Roodt vyand nommer een

Die Kaapse Nasperskoerant, Die Burger, dra vandag weer ‘n leedvermakerige beriggie Dan Roodt verloor lastersaak teen Die Burger. Soos gewoonlik is dit onakkuraat, want ek het geen lastereis teen Die Burger ingestel nie, maar bloot ‘n klag by die persombudsman ingedien omdat ek in die blaaie van dié koerant ‘n “verregse Afrikaner-aktivis” met “fundamentalistiese sienings” genoem is.

Die Burger voer reeds jare lank ‘n lasterveldtog teen my. Die joernalis wat my as “verregse fundamentalis” wou etiketteer, is ene Ilse Bigalke, een van die koerant se senior asssistentredakteurs. Haar rubriek Van hekse kom nie altyd onheil het op 24 Hovember 2011 verskyn. Let op die beeldspraak en toespeling op “hekse”, so reg uit die Middeleeue toe Pous Urbanus VIII vir Galileo gedwing het om sy teorie terug te trek dat die aarde om die son sou draai.

Net soos Galileo weens sy “kettery” deur die Roomse Inkwisisie vervolg is, word ek deur die Kaapse Inkwisisie  vanuit Heeregracht 40 aangekla.

Blykbaar beskik Die Burger oor ‘n vrypas om my te belaster en te verguis. Ek, en nie Julius Malema nie, is Suid-Afrika se vyand nommer een. Maar waarteen het Die Burger werklik beswaar? In die eerste plaas gaan dit daaroor dat ek my teen geweldsmisdaad, veral plaasmoorde en die verkragting van Afrikanervroue, uitspreek. Aan die einde van verlede jaar het UNPO, die Verenigde Nasies vir staatlose volke en waar Afrikaners deur die Vryheidsfront verteenwoordig word, in ‘n verslag verklaar dat “die verkragting van minderheidsvroue die hele volk waartoe hulle behoort, onteer”.

Met dié siening kan ek nie genoeg saamstem nie. Ek verseg ook om te aanvaar dat plaasmoorde ‘n gegewe van die Nuwe Suid-Afrika moet wees wat ons maar net moet aanvaar.

Maar as ‘n mens jou teen die ekstreme geweld wat in Suid-Afrika tier, uitspreek, is jy ‘n “fundamentalis” en ‘n “verregse”.

Bigalke se rubriek lewer kommentaar op ‘n TV-uitsending “Redi on Mzansi” waarheen ek verlede jaar uitgenooi is. In die program het ‘n woernaal van my in antwoord op Sandile Memela se rubriek in die Sowetan oor swartes se swak wiskundeprestasie ter sprake gekom. Let wel: dis nie ek wat eerste beweer het swart matriekleerlinge presteer gemiddeld swakker as blankes in matriekwiskunde nie, dit was die Sowetan se rubriekskrywer.

Ook die ANC-regering het al male sonder tal gekla dat die algemene prestasie van skoolleerlinge in wiskunde nie na wense is nie. Soos iemand oor Radio Pretoria vanoggend opgemerk het: “Maak dit die ANC-regering ook nou ‘verregs’?” Ons het ook enkele dae gelede gesien hoe ‘n skare studente die hekke by die universiteit van Johannesburg stormgeloop het, met funeste gevolge. Is ‘n mens ‘n “fundamentalis” en ‘n “verregse” indien jy sulke dinge waarneem en dit onaanvaarbaar vind?

Die Persombudsman, of in dié geval sy assistent, dr. Johan Retief, het my in sy uitspraak met Robert McBride, iemand wat sowel aan terreur as munisipale korrupsie skuldig bevind is, vergelyk. Dis eenvoudig verregaande! Anders as McBride, is ek nog nooit aan enige misdaad skuldig bevind nie. Dit wel egter voorkom asof die Persombudsman in wese bloot ‘n verlengstuk van die groot mediagroepe soos Naspers, Avusa en die Independent-groep is en dat die burgers van Suid-Afrika kwalik enige beskerming of billike behandeling uit daardie oord kan verwag.

Vir wat dit werd is, gaan ek egter teen hierdie bevinding appelleer. Ek weier om oor dieselfde kam as McBride geskeer te word, bloot omdat ek my teen onreg, geweld en onbekwaamheid in ons treurige land uitspreek.

Die Persombudsman verdedig Die Burger se reg om feitlik enigiets oor my kwyt te raak wat die koerant wil, hoe ver dit ook al van die waarheid verwyder mag wees. Ek is self ‘n voorstander van spraakvryheid. Maar Die Burger gebruik sy spraakvryheid juis om my dieselfde te ontsê. Uiteindelik is die koerant se verbete veldtog teen my daarop gemik om my die swye op te lê, om my by die publiek belaglik te maak en my sodoende ook enige ekonomiese kanse op deelname aan die Afrikaanse boek- en mediamark te ontsê.

Sonder die internet en sonder ‘n aanlynpublikasie soos praag.co.za, sou ek dalk inderdaad deur Die Burger tot “heks” en ketter verklaar gewees het. Soos Galileo sou ek gedwonge gewees het om my oortuigings af te sweer en die res van my lewe onder huisarres deur te bring.

Gelukkig leef ons in die een-en-twintigste eeu met sy inligtings- en kommunkasierevolusie. Nie eens Die Burger en die magtige Naspersgroep agter hom kan ons meer stilmaak nie.

Soos George Orwell gesê het: “Om in ‘n tyd van universele misleiding die waarheid te praat, verteenwoordig ‘n revolusionêre daad.”

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Media verdraai ANC-boodskap

Is die ANC ‘n wolf in skaapsklere en steek die media dit vir ons weg?

Ek het Saterdag die moeite gedoen om na president Jacob Zuma se toespraak soos dit op SABC2 uitgesaai is, te kyk. Agterna het ek tevergeefs in die koerante na sinvolle berigte of kommentaar daarop gesoek, maar niks gevind nie. Die blywende indruk is dat die Suid-Afrikaanse hoofstroommedia steeds van die ANC-wolf ‘n lam wil maak.

Dít, in weerwil van die onlangse kritiek op die Zuma-regering, asook die korrupsie en onbekwaamheid van sy party. Sodanige kritiek gaan egter merendeels oor sogenaamde “dienslewering” of administratiewe kwessies, sonder om die wesentlike aspekte van die ANC-ideologie en -politiek te betrek.

Zuma het ‘n fyn uitgewerkte toespraak gelewer waarin hy ‘n oorsig van die organisasie se 100-jarige geskiedenis verskaf het. Maar ook: ‘n toekomsvisie en onmiddellike “uitdagings” wat die hoof gebied gaan word.

Wat die geskiedenis betref, het my ore omtrent getuit, want Zuma het ‘n oerlinkse toespraak aangebied uit die dae van Leonid Bresjnef wat op Meidag die verbymarsjerende troepe op die Rooi Plein in Moskou met ‘n bejaarde hand toewuif. Dit is asof die Zuma-ANC in die kommunistiese verlede versteen het en hul korstondige flirtasie met Westerse demokrasie net oëverblindery was. Die enigste verwysing na die rol van Afrikaners of blankes oor die afgelope 100 jaar was as “die apartheidsbewind” wat met hand en tand beveg is. En dan juis militêr!

Trouens, die siening van die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis wat Zuma voorgehou het, was een van ‘n uitgerekte oorlog wat tagtig jaar geduur het totdat Umkhonto we Sizwe die oorwinning behaal het. Hy het Kuba, die Sowjetunie, MPLA en ZANU-PF vir hul hulp hiermee bedank. Die versiersuiker van “onderhandeling” en versoening wat ons in die negentigerjare – en veral natuurlik tydens die Mandela-tydvak -  gehoor het, was weg. Al wat oorbly, is keiharde kommunistiese retoriek oor die bevryding van die werkersklas deur militêre geweld of dan “gewapende opstand” soos Lenin sou gesê het.

Die drie “uitdagings” wat Zuma raaksien, is werkloosheid, armoede en ongelykheid. Onderliggend aan sy toespraak is insgelyks ‘n sterk antiblanke gevoel, aangesien die blankes met “apartheid en kolonialisme” verbind word. Hy het ook voortdurend die vriendskap en samewerking van die ANC met “progressiewe magte” in die wêreld beklemtoon. Die groot vraag is: wie is die “progressiewe magte”? Waarskynlik China, Noord-Korea, Kuba, Venezuela, asook Angola, Mosambiek, Zimbabwe en Namibië in Suider-Afrika.

Tesame met Malema se uitsprake, wat ‘n beduidende groep binne die ANC verteenwoordig, het Zuma Saterdag vir die soveelste keer ons Afrososialistiese en selfs Afrokommunistiese toekoms uitgespel. Dit wil voorkom asof die hoofstroommedia glad nie daarop ag slaan nie. Óf hulle is te dom om te verstaan wat die ANC-leier sê, óf hulle (en ons) is al so gewoond aan die Idi Amin-agtige malhuis waarin ons woon, dat dit nie eintlik meer saak maak nie.

Die wyse waarop ‘n terreurbeweging met sterk kriminele elemente oor jare heen vir ons aanvaarbaar gemaak en deur die media opgehemel is, verteenwoordig een van die grootste massabreinspoelingsepisodes in die geskiedenis.

Dit kan vergelyk word met die soort illusies wat die Britse media in die tagtigerjare rondom Zimbabwe gekweek het. Een of ander tyd moet illusie en werklikheid mekaar egter ontmoet. Suid-Afrika se “groot sprong vorentoe” met radikale grondhervorming, nasionalisering en die stedelike nagmerrie wat tienmiljoene Afrika-immigrante besig is om te skep, lê egter om die draai.

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Race-based admissions to South African universities

Currently the newspapers in South Africa are publishing stories about the miraculous achievements of last year’s matriculants who completed their school careers with six, seven, eight, nine and even ten distinctions. In American terms, these would be the proverbial “straight-A students” who would qualify for admission to a university in the discipline of their choice.

Not so in South Africa, however. Because a large percentage of these high achievers are white, Western, of European descent, whatever you may want to call them, they are being refused places at university. Here in Johannesburg a girl with nine A’s was not admitted to the medical school at Pretoria University, simply because she was white. Students of other races with much lower marks in the school-leaving examinations are readily admitted.

The tremendous injustice suffered by these hard-working, conscientious and ambitious young people will come back to haunt South Africa. The world will not endure this Nazi-like punishment meted out to young people of a certain race, simply because they happen to be intellectually and academically gifted.

South Africa and Zimbabwe are the two most racist countries in the world. The current controversy over the pronouncements of the black British politician Diane Abbott on Twitter shows that outside South Africa racism against whites is taken seriously. However, Abbott’s remarks are completely innocuous, compared to the systemic racist injustices perpetrated against young whites by South Africa’s ANC regime.

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