When I read the first Associated Press report on the arrest of Louis Henry Gates Jr., it was obvious to me that that particular storm in a teacup would be blown up into something of a racial hurricane. Not surprisingly, America’s half-blood prince, as Steve Sailer had christened Obama, was not far behind in meddling in what was supposedly a purely local, Cambridge affair.
The fact that Obama has since effected something of a volte face, even offering to have a beer with the much-maligned Sergeant Jim Crowley and his histrionical victim, does not detract from the incident as having demonstrated the fraught nature of US race relations.
Most American pundits have by now flogged this particular black horse to death, including Ann Coulter and Pat Buchanan who at least cannot be accused of being liberals. However, even in their “conservative” reactions, we discern a certain embarrassment in dealing with the case of the “arrested professor” who had suffered the indignity of having been, at least fleetingly, a burglary suspect.
Apart from the obvious way in which the incident had demonstrated the fragility of what amounts to America’s manufactured consensus on race, the entire melodrama took place within the vicinity of America’s greatest university, Harvard.
Or should I say, once greatest university? Because Harvard and its W. E. B. Du Bois Institute for African and African American Researches represent the pinnacle of the American academic system with its “tenured radicals”, those social-science and literature professors who actually hate everything that America stands for or used to stand for. Not for nothing did Louis Henry Gates Jr. call the president of Harvard after his gruelling ordeal of being peacably escorted to the local police station.
Gates, the self-defined “black man in America”, should consider the plight of a white man in South Africa, a game farmer by the name of Ettienne van Wyk. He was arrested by some black policemen for transporting his animals without a permit. He and his farm manager, Mr. Zacharia Duvenhage, were tossed into a cell with 14 hardened black criminals: murderers, robbers, rapists. At around 3.00 a.m. Van Wyk was sodomized by some of the inmates, while the others sang songs to drown out his screams. During this impromptu a capello performance, the station commander was sound asleep.
Van Wyk later sued the South African minister of police for R1.2 million or $150 000 in damages. Duvenhage, who was not sodomized, sued for only R350 000 or $44 000 for suffering several minor injuries.
Why is this, another incident, so many thousands of miles away, relevant? Because the case of Van Wyk represents something like the mirror image of Louis Henry Gates’s minor spat with the law. He, “a black man in America”, was arrested and taken to the police station by a white policeman painfully conscious of his duty as an enforcer of the law. He suffered no injury, except to his zeppelin of an ego. Yet the global media lavished more attention on Gates, a self-confessed creation of affirmative action, than on the war in Afghanistan and a few other wars combined. In contradistinction, the liberal champions of racial justice and equality will never spare a thought, let alone a minute of prime time, for Ettienne van Wyk, a white man arrested for a minor offence concerning the transport of his own animals and sexually assaulted by black criminals while under the authority of a black policeman.
Gates knew that he could rely on the universal belief that all blacks are victims. Probably that is what prompted his fit of rage at the white policeman in the first place. He was playing the agent provocateur, hoping to increase his standing in the victim stakes, which is necessary, when one has a cushy job at Harvard and a house in a neighborhood that is anything but shabby.
Even when the shoe is on the other foot and the black is the pepetrator, to liberals he remains a victim. Something, or someone, “made him do it”. In the aftermath of Gates’s rise in the victim stakes, someone will – no doubt – ascribe the more objectionable facets of his behavior to whites or white racism. Ultimately, the burden of racial pain is sinmply too much to bear and no amount of material comfort will ever suffice to attenuate its effects which may flare up at any moment.
In a normal world, of course, such incidents would not take place. An alleged slight to the dignity of some affirmative-action academic would not be news. There would be no global theatre for blacks to play out their sense of inferiority and inadequacy in front of a sympathetic audience of guilty whites.
However, the so-called fight against racism is both byzantine and insiduous. Like the class struggle of Marxist lore, it affects or infects individuals and society. Whole institutions, as well as states like the USA, Great Britain or South Africa, kow-tow to the social god of racial correctness. Affirmative action and diversity are to Harvard what dialectical materialism and the class struggle were to the Patrice Lumumba Peoples’ Friendship University in the old Soviet Union. Recent jokes about the USSA, the United Socialist States of America, that have taken over where the USSR left off, may contain more than a grain of truth.
In this sense, Louis Henry Gates Jr. is not so much a product of black nationalism, although he is an academic specialist of everything black. Some forms of black nationalism may actually be good, being a natural expression of the keen sense of racial identity felt by all Africans, even the Westernized ones residing in America. Rather, Gates is essentially a product of the American university where whites and blacks alike are indoctrinated in the official ideology of diversity and affirmative action. When California’s Proposition 209 was voted into law in 1996, essentially prohibiting the state from applying anti-white measures during hiring or admissions to schools and universities, the University of California continued to apply racial preference policies in defiance of the law.
In a video made in the same year, 1996, and available on YouTube, Gates boasts about having been a beneficiary of affirmative action and having been able to study at Yale “with white boys and girls”.In his Ivy League world, black is king, period. Academics live in the same mortal fear of being accused of “racism” (or “sexism”) as Catholics did in the days of the Spanish Inquisition when an accusation of heresy could result in being burnt at the stake. Gates is probably highly surprised that anyone, including Obama, should have listened to the white policeman’s version at all. For in his rarefied university world, no white would ever speak up to a black, let alone arrest one.
On the whole, Sergeant James Crowley did the US and the world a favor. He pricked the bubble of Gates’s privileged existence. For once, diversity parasites all over America got the terrifying message that they might be treated equally with whites. If only for that, the man deserves some sort of police medal.
But such incidents have an even greater value in that they demonstrate the correctness of Jared Taylor’s claim that diversity is a burden and not a benefit to institutions and society. They are also polarizing, rupturing the usually polite silence on race that prevents any rational discussion of the dilemma facing not only America, but the entire world.
Slouching toward multicultural utopia and the probable collapse of our civilization, we are in dire need of such confrontations and the debates they must provoke.